Il revisionista (Italian Edition)

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Al Congresso nazionale partecipano i membri del Comitato centrale uscente, i delegati eletti dai Congressi regionali, provinciali, comunali e i Responsabili locali dove mancano i corrispettivi Comitati.


Se nella propria regione non ci sono i Comitati comunali, provinciali e regionali, le Cellule eleggono i delegati al Congresso nazionale. I membri della Segreteria generale del PMLI, eccettuato il Segretario generale, sono eletti dal Comitato centrale scegliendoli fra i membri dell'Ufficio politico. L'Ufficio politico fra una sessione e l'altra del Comitato centrale ne esercita le funzioni e i poteri.

La Segreteria generale fra una riunione e l'altra dell'Ufficio politico ne esercita le funzioni e i poteri. Il Segretario generale del Partito prepara, presiede e coordina le sessioni e i lavori del Comitato centrale, dell'Ufficio politico, della Segreteria generale Essi, nell'ambito del territorio di propria competenza, hanno il compito di dirigere il Partito, di applicare la linea del Partito e di farla applicare alle organizzazioni inferiori, di combattere le giunte e le amministrazioni locali, di difendere gli interessi e i bisogni delle masse, di prendere le iniziative che ritengono necessarie alla costruzione, allo sviluppo e al radicamento del Partito.

I Comitati regionali sono nominati per la prima volta dal Comitato centrale tenendo conto dei pareri espressi dai Comitati provinciali, dai Comitati comunali e dalle Cellule della regione interessata. Successivamente sono eletti dai rispettivi Congressi regionali. I Comitati provinciali sono nominati per la prima volta dal Comitato centrale tenendo conto dei pareri espressi dal Comitato regionale, dai Comitati comunali e dalle Cellule della regione interessata.

Successivamente sono eletti dai rispettivi Congressi provinciali.


I Comitati comunali sono nominati per la prima volta dal Comitato centrale tenendo conto dei pareri espressi dal Comitato regionale, dal Comitato provinciale e dalle Cellule del comune interessato. Successivamente sono eletti dai rispettivi Congressi comunali. Amazon Music Stream millions of songs. Amazon Advertising Find, attract, and engage customers.

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New “revisionisms”. From the case of Faurisson to the birth of a Marxist negationism

During the war of independence, pre-fascist Italian government had been the first, among the winning powers, which gave up to its claim on a slice of Ottoman empire. But Mussolini bellicose and revisionist rhetoric, combined with the Italian presence in the Aegean sea, was perceived as a threat by Ankara. In , Turkey accepted the resolution approved by the League of Nations commission and signed the Frontier treaty which assigned Mosul to the British mandate of Iraq. But the fact which brought the two countries closer was the signature of a Treaty of Friendship between France and the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, 10 in November This pact was perceived as a mortal threat by Italy, which feared a two-front war.

List of Italian concentration camps - Wikipedia

Belgrade was having with Rome significant contested issues, dating back to the post-war territorial arrangement of the Adriatic shores. Turkey was as well very uncomfortable with the growing role of France in the Balkans, which had already signed an alliance with Romania the previous year June The 3 rd of April the first high-level meeting took place in Milan.

The Italians insisted to sign a treaty which could include also Greece, 14 but negotiations between Turkey and Greece were proceeding slowly due to unsolved issues dating back to the post-war period and the exchange of populations. During the meeting of Milan, the idea of a reconciliation among the three countries — even though through separate agreements — was officially recognized by all the components. The 30 th of May Italy and Turkey signed the Treaty of neutrality and reconciliation , which assured reciprocal neutrality in case of war against a third power.

It also forbade the two countries to join alliances directed against one of them. This has been seen by historians as a sign of a moderate turn in fascist foreign policy. With the Turkish-Italian naval agreement of May , Ankara ordered from Italy two destroyers, three submarines and two submarine chasers. For Rome, naval supplies to Turkey was a way to develop its still-infant naval industry. In the second half of the s, Turkey had secured its land borders with the Soviet Russia, Iran, Iraq and Syria, therefore a naval force was the natural completion of its defense system.

Italy was considered a good supplier because of its relative low financial capacity. The Turkish leadership considered this element as particularly important because it wanted to avoid the Ottoman experience of dependency on a foreign great power.

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  • Turkey had to address France in order to obtain the loan it needed and this move deeply upset Italian diplomacy. When in September , French Prime Minister Aristide Briand presented a plan for the establishment of a European economic Union within the framework of the League of Nations, the reactions of Rome and Ankara were very different. In December he mentioned for the first time the idea of a cabinet of the superpowers Italy, Britain, France and Germany which should have replaced the League of Nations in dealing with international crises. It must be added that the advent to power of Adolf Hitler in Germany, increased Italian self-confidence in international affairs.

    In this area it was almost impossible to find a common stance with Italy. Rome was interested above all in the destabilization of the region, and in particular of its main pillar, Yugoslavia, where Mussolini supported Croatian and Macedonian separatist movements. The agreement reached by Italy and Greece did not develop in an alliance, and the only country with which Rome shared an overall vision of Balkan dynamics, was Bulgaria, that is to say the only revisionist country of the peninsula.

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    Between the friendship with fascist Italy and Balkan cooperation, Ankara chose the latter. The pact had a clear anti-revisionist stance and was directed against Bulgarian revanchism and Italian expansionism. In this period both the consolidation of the regime built by Mustafa Kemal in Turkey and the heyday of Italian fascism took place.

    The comparison between these two regimes helps our understanding of the Kemalist experience because it put Kemalism into its historical context. The many similarities between them — nationalism, one-party rule, cult of the personality — do not outnumber the differences.