Visions & Cants (Educació 62) (Catalan Edition)

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The principle of preserving the linguistic rights of minorities is fundamental for all Catalans. Spanish and English should be the co-official languages of the Catalan Republic. Both being languages for communication with the outside world should allow for easier, more fluid relations with the rest of Europe and the world at large. In addition, Spanish is the mother tongue of a large number of Catalan citizens.

Meanwhile English is the common language of communication within the EU and on a global scale. Catalan is our national language, and therefore it should be included as such in the future Catalan constitution. The impact of the official status of the language of our historical national minority has been viewed very favourably by the European Union, which sees it as of undeniable value in the respect for minorities and as entirely positive with regard to plurality and diversity.

Castilian or Spanish should retain its official status, but and here comes the asymmetry as a co-official language of the state. Castilian or Spanish is nowadays the language of a very significant part of our society, and as such it cannot be neglected or sidelined. The construction of a new European state will largely be carried out by hundreds of thousands individuals who have Spanish as their first language and who have decided to make Catalonia their country and who fully identify themselves with it.

Catalonia must therefore also fully identify itself with the Spanish language, and this can only be done, if it is not to be merely lip-service, by giving Spanish official language status, with all the rights this entails. It would be way of highlighting our Europeanness, sending a signal to the EU and accentuating multilingualism by having official recognition in Catalonia.

It is worth remembering that a country like Singapore population 4 million, all residing in a large Asian city has four official languages: Malay, Tamil, Chinese and English. The first language is Malay, Tamil belongs to a historical minority, Chinese belongs to the largest group of immigrants and English is used for interfacing with the world. The asymmetric official status of languages in Catalonia will achieve objectives that I believe are fundamental to the language policies that need to be applied once the nation can decide its own future: Catalan, therefore, should have the role of the common public language of all Catalans.

It will respect the language rights of half the population, those who have Spanish as their first language, and it will promote a solid foundation in language skills for all Catalans, regardless of their first language. Meanwhile, it will also guarantee access to the Hispanic world via an understanding of the language it uses as a medium of communication. It will ensure the expansion of knowledge of the language of exchange at a global level, with all this implies in terms of opportunities for exchanges with the outside world.

In addition, giving English official status would be a pioneering move, by formerly acknowledging an issue that is a de facto reality, both within the European Union itself, as well as in large parts of the planet. The objectives of any state in relation to language should be the following: Indeed, all European Union member states act in accordance with this principle. Secondly, the state must ensure its society does not become isolated from the rest of Europe, by guaranteeing high-quality access to the languages most commonly used within the European Union: English, French and German in particular.

The state also needs to ensure that its citizens are able to carry out their activities and communicate in different languages. In the case of Catalonia, this ideal could easily be more ambitious. Catalonia, as a new European state, should constitute both a model of efficient management of multilingualism and of the full recovery of its own national language, after centuries of linguistic and cultural siege and a lack of national and linguistic freedom. Professor of Catalan Philology and a sociolinguist.

He has written essays, plays and novels and coordinated various studies on sociolinguistics. It appears nowadays as if modernity, the familiar commitment to individual freedom and equality, has created a barrier to the acceptance of new demands from cultural, ethnic and national minorities within liberal democracies, which see their identities becoming diluted or their differences homogenized. For some we are witnessing a unique, uniform conception of globalization that aims to impose a single way of life, a single pattern of consumption and even a single means of communication.

However, struggles in favour of the recognition of identities are merely the flipside of globalization. Integration efforts are offset by the energy countries invest in maintaining their own cultural peculiarities. With this in mind, a statement made by the Austrian-born American management consultant, educator, and author Peter Drucker makes more sense: Nowadays, the defence of cultural identity, in all its varieties national minorities, ethnic groups, immigrants, indigenous peoples, feminist collectives, the disabled and so on therefore requires new forms of intercultural dia-.

The ethics of the difference thereby becomes a valid response to the challenges of the future in which cultural identity represents the anchor point needed to counteract the potential homogenization resulting from globalization and in which the demographic changes which we un-. While the world seems to move towards integration, while capital markets become unified and so do the habits of a certain group of cosmopolitan nomads business people, politicians, tourists, journalists, researchers, etc. A number of these resurgences of unique identities such as certain religious fundamentalism and certain ethnic nationalism will presumably Catalan International View.

Multiple forms of belonging lead us to exercise flexible and adaptable relations with the various communities with which we maintain ties In opposition to the logic of mobility one sees evidence of the logic of identity. The same whirlwind that accelerates the integration and mix of cultures, information and consumption also causes the fear of a loss of identity, the defensive retreat to nonnegotiable fundamental categories and the reaffirmation of their own cultural tradition. The unification of the world highlights the struggle within cultures and societies to re define their identity.

This attitude is not only or at least solely about the desire to continue to relentlessly maintain our cultural traits, but also about updating and verbalizing out of a sense of bewilderment what we are and what we can be: What does it mean to be a citizen nowadays? Do we need Will these identities be compatible? Thanks to these recent changes, nation-states are forced to abandon their outmoded claims to be a homogenous unit. Instead they must recognize that they in fact shelter a plural association in which different cultural communities aspire to come together to participate in the exercising of power without becoming diluted by conforming to a common mould.

The public space and the institutions must combine, both when it comes to protecting the right to equality political, before the law, of opportunity and the right to be different. Nowadays, urban and social mobility, cultural changes and historical events, the abandoning of roles and the adoption of new ones, means the cultural link between historical tradition and community loyalty is weakened.

This is because human identity is now more open. The new pluralist framework, which affects every Western country if not others, means that our identities are becoming more and more complex.

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The fact that in the contemporary world we tend to build complex identities, in an ideal world allows us to envision shared loyalties, thanks to the practice of cultural pluralism. Nevertheless, despite such observations of new liberalization processes, modernization and increased mobility we should not fall into an overlysimplistic view of cosmopolitanism. We should remember that intercultural exchanges are infrequent, difficult and often expensive.

Instead, we are talking about greater interaction and porosity between cultures. We can belong to several communities and places simultaneously, we can. Multiple forms of belonging lead us to exercise flexible and adaptable relations with the various communities with which we maintain ties.

Cultural and national identities are not satisfied with affirmative action which seeks to temporarily right the injustices committed against them or the effects of inequality. Instead, peoples and cultural communities aspire to reaffirm their permanent existence and the reproduction and transmission of their characteristics. We are to respect the cultural differentiation of those who are identical to us and we are to recognize and, where appropriate, encourage the possibility of the identification with those who are different who live with or wish to live with us.

We are entering a new and far more complex conception of identity. We can have composite identities, multiple belongings, negotiations between different life choices, and so on. An increase in the number of life choices can even. This implies, in my opinion, the greatest challenge to the future definition of ourselves. Because in order to live together, even though we are very different, we have to have something in common.


  • Lucien (Manipulating the Masters Book 1).
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  • Ugly Things.

With glocalization we must learn to combine the global and the local, which I call the wings and the roots With glocalization we must learn to combine the global and the local, which I call the wings and the roots. We can and must be parochial and cosmopolitan. What we cannot be is one without the other. Rootless cosmopolitanism is, in essence, emptiness, an uprooting.

Rootless cosmopolitanism does not exist: I can be a citizen of the world when I know where I am, where I was formed, what my culture is. Then I am able to identify myself and interact with others. When, thanks to globalization, one is afraid of losing the local, the identity, one protects ones integrity and can thereby become a fundamentalist. If the one were completely open to the tsunami of globalization would possibly sweep them away in its path.

Such issues are pertinent nowadays: Benjamin Barber published a book enCatalan International View. What does he mean by this? That in the world there is a tension between the two models: In this world identities are afraid of losing. Then we jihadize ourselves, we close in on ourselves. Barber argues that the global and the local are not two different things: The more global we become, the more need we have for localism, and if the two are not combined in a balanced way it can lead to incredibly violent outcomes.

Economic, financial and production relations are developed on a global scale and the actors involved conceive and develop their strategies while taking as a reference the global system In an approximate and inevitably inexact way we could say that all Western countries are already multicultural. In other words, in a peaceful and tolerant way, most of them practice living with diversity rather than simple coexistence: Aside from a few exceptions, there are no restrictions to their freedom or any kind of oppression in the name of certain values of particular groups or lifestyles.

The cultural challenges which the glocal condition poses for peoples and communities also affect companies. We know that the new globalization goes further than internationalization trade and relations between countries and states or multinationalization the strategies of transferring and outsourcing resources in the search for higher productivity and profitability. It is now more common to speak of a transnationalization of economic, social and political relations. Economic, financial and production relations are developed on a global scale. Interactions and interconnections are intensified and so too are interdependencies.

Consequently, a new business model emerges that shapes company strategies on a global scale. For some, this represents the beginning of the end of national systems and the final uprooting of the old local dimension. The economic sphere appears as a non-national, global space. Globalization is carried out by multinational corporations integrated into global sysCatalan International View.

They operate under the banner of global capitalism. However, the global geo-economy the struggle for global economic hegemony is not disputed by companies but rather the national economies of the most developed countries. Nation states continue to act according to the logic of national capitalism. As was demonstrated by E. Restrictions on imports, export subsidies, funding for competitive technology projects, the promotion of infrastructure of strategic importance for the economy, trade tariffs, hidden trade barriers, endless lists of requirements health and safety, labelling, packaging and recycling are all part of the arsenal states use in the battle of the global geo-economy.

Perhaps we will never be a big country, but we can be a great country. It all depends on the quality of our message, our actions and what we will be able to contribute to the world. A company is a private entity pursuing largely private interests. With no local or national ties it is even more difficult to imagine that a company would pay special attention to promoting such wealth. We know that national identities have certain virtues and certain defects. These virtues include the ability to unite a community and generate a sense of civic commitment among members of the same group.

National identities are formidable sources of meaning that affect and mobilize individuals and communities and help make them accountable to other citizens. Indeed no one knows if it will ever be. We need to ask a more precise question: Timothy Garton Ash To conclude, are global businesses the standard bearers of cosmopolitanism? However, we must not confuse the defence of a universal approach with the defence of casual cosmopolitanism or the banal globalism a certain economic, political and cultural.

Nevertheless, it is not the case that these elites have rid themselves of the annoying adhesions of space and national context as it would seem they wish to do and have made the effort to explore new cultures, rather they live in a global archipelago I was going to say a bubble made up of airports, hotels, shops, international restaurants and meeting rooms, which in reality is the area that actually dictates their life experiences and cultural references.

We have global problems, global products and global services. We also have certain global institutions. We find it difficult to posess and above all to mobilize ourselves in response to global identities. Daniel Bell argues that the state has become too large for the small things and too small for the big things. For local issues, we want an administration that is close at hand. And when it comes to serious global issues, nowadays NGOs and international organizations are better prepared than states.

Because states were neither designed nor intended to be global. Either you explain yourself to the world or they explain you I believe glocalization forces us to manage new problems. Either you explain yourself to the world or they explain you. Our voice may be very small, but we have to stress our desire to have a voice in the world, a voice of excellence.

Les nationalismes majoritaires contemporains: Venezuela has seen a decade of exchange control: It is a measure which was originally intended to curb the flight of capital from the country. The fixed rate is 6. Unable to contain themselves, they proceeded to ransack the shop and could be seen leaving the premises with dozens of flat-screen TVs. YouTube was awash with such images. In the following days, the queues outside. Christmas arrived early in Venezuela, with the January sales coming before December.

This in a country with an annual inflation rate of Venezuela has never recovered. In a move aimed at ushering in a new era of consumer socialism for the twenty-first century, Maduro has asked the National Assembly for special powers in order to rule for 12 months without parliamentary oversight. The article cost the director Omar Lugo his job. He was sacked following pressure from the new owners of Cadena Capriles, a media conglomer Maduro publicly criticized the article: His recipe is the following: The other factor in the equation is a worthless Bolivar, versus an overvalued Bolivar.

Nevertheless, more challenges face the country: In Venezuela a litre of 95 octane costs less than 2 cents. It has been a taboo topic for Venezuelan governments dating back to the Caracazo, as the wave of protests of February were known. Among the measures was a hike in the price of petrol. Hence the resulting trauma. So far this has yet to happen. Maduro won by a little over , votes.

Henrique Capriles challenged the results. For the second challenge, however, this is not the case. The opposition is gaining followers, especially the ones it lost in , in various elections where the different parties campaigned for people to abstain. It has tried all the means available to it. Meanwhile, the opposition is gaining followers, especially the ones it lost in , in various elections where the different parties campaigned for people to abstain. Now, after the unsuccessful projects and failed candidates that led to the coup, the Venezuelan opposition has managed to centre its interests around the Mesa de la Unidad Board of Unity , a coalition of new and existing parties, united in their opposition to Chavezism.

Their hopes are riding on Henrique Capriles, the governor of Miranda state, and two-time presidential candidate. He failed to do so. The contradiction is that nine months ago, Capriles contested the results of the presidential election against Maduro: And that is exactly what the last results showed, with a twist: Nevertheless, until now the election is the only tool that has allowed the opposition to advance and has kept Venezuela within the limits of democracy.

Now, the country faces at least two years with no elections in sight. The campaign is over and the forecast is of a rather harsh year to come. A Barcelona-based Venezuelan journalist. She freelances for various media organisations in her country, while working on her doctoral thesis at Blanquerna. She writes a blog called Lazotacalles. She has been an actress, scriptwriter, director and a producer.

She is also the current president of the Catalan Film Academy. She never stops working. The Catalans have to speak to the world and we have to gain international credibility. Civil society is at the forefront of the sovereignty process, it moves it along and gets involved in every initiative aimed at putting pressure on the government. Having said that, in Catalonia we have a democratically elected parliamentary majority that wants to move towards a state of our own. Most Catalans have come to the conclusion that Spain is of no use to us in achieving the welfare state that we deserve, one which will be different from the one we had the new welfare society will be more austere , but still firmly based on education, health and culture.

Since Catalonia has been powerless for many years, it has a civil society which is much more organized than that which is found in Spain and many parts of Europe. We have organized on the margins of power; we have all manner of social clubs, scientific and cultural organizations, all kinds of groups. And now we have to go from being a country that resists to being a country that builds. The day after what? The day after we achieve independence, of course. The documentary tries to explain what Catalonia would be like, what Catalonia will be like with its.

And of everything we stand to gain: In large part, yes. Spain has managed the state very poorly, and the world needs to hear about it. The problem has been a long time in the making; Spain has always been predatory in nature. With the conquest of America it had all the gold in the world, yet every four years it declared itself bankrupt. Spain will only move forward if Catalonia becomes independent. Catalonia was easy prey. When it no longer has Catalonia, the Spanish state will have to decide what to do with Andalusia, deal with its abandoned estates, think about where it will obtain its wealth.

I think it will do Spain a lot of good if Catalonia leaves, I really mean it, as it will need to rethink itself. No state has ever gained independence from Spain and later returned, but anything is possible. We Catalans and Spaniards can be good neighbours.

We want to play with the La Roja [the Spanish football team]? Then so be it. We want to go to the Goya film awards? It all depends on us. We need to understand that we have almost nothing to do with this state, and we still have a lot of explaining to do. Maybe we could find a solution with Spain if it was an equal relationship and we could negotiate. The federalists and confederalists should take a look at the federal states in other parts of the world: Spanish intellectuals, politicians and teachers with the exception of a very small fringe on the left have failed to make the slightest effort to understand the Catalan people.

Well-respected academics agreed that Catalonia is a political entity,. The solution comes down to Catalonia having its own state. Many economists agree that small states operate better than larger ones. And we Catalans have the common sense and grit and determination that has made us what we are.

The common sense comes from Central Europe: And the determination is part of our Mediterranean, fun-loving side. This mixture of common sense and grit is extremely beneficial; we just have to take advantage of it. Catalan nationalism forms part of your family background. When the Civil War ended, virtually the entire intelligentsia went into exile, since it was mostly on the Republican side. My father, who was very young when war broke out, became part of the small minority on the losing side who stayed here, who decided to resist.

In my childhood home we always read in Catalan as we were convinced that. My father was the typical militant. He had money, but he spent it all on the cause. My six siblings and I got to witness the effectiveness of cultural resistance: I had the opportunity to see that during the Franco regime, struggle through culture produced incredible results. Due to the current circumstances I make political documentaries, but when this is over, I want to do rom coms.

What made you go into the world of cinema in the first place? I started acting at a very early age. History helped me interpret the present: I began to teach at the university, and we made videos with the students. I stopped taking history classes and I became immersed in the world of film. Cinema is amazing both as a cultural tool and as a weapon to encourage collective critical thinking. I really enjoy being a producer; I like directing political documentaries just as much as backing good artists.

Does making a political commitment mean you pay a professional price? I think now is the time to do the projects I do. There are moments in life when you have to do what you believe you have to do. I find it much more rewarding to work for the collective good than for my own career. When my father died he was glad to have contributed to his country having recovered its language, culture and politics.

He was proud to have helped save Catalan words. After the war we were impoverished and subject to an uneducated, authoritarian state that promoted ignorance, and there were very few of us. My father helped keep the continuity of the thread. After many years of making movies, one learns. We made a solemn promise to each other: We made Pa negre and it turned out really well: Spain chose it to represent it at the Oscars Pa negre proved that films shot in Catalan could reach a global audience.

This is something we already knew. Did you feel like an ambassador for Catalonia? Yes, but that was also the case with El mar The Sea. Pa negre was chosen to represent Spain at the Oscars. Is succeeding in Hollywood the dream of any filmmaker? Why do you think Michelle Obama presented one of the Oscars? Because Americans know that, in terms of importance, cinema is second only to the arms industry. They know that the film is a tool for cultural dissemination and the diffusion of a way of life that has reached around the world, and above all it has made them a lot of money.

Filmmaking is obviously a huge responsibility. Those who work in the film industry have a great responsibility because we have to explain what Catalonia is all about. Is the level of Catalan cinema good enough? The Catalan film industry is very powerful and highly diverse, it makes everything from fantasy films to experimental cinema.

And we have auteur films that are shown at festivals and that win awards. We can hold our heads high. Before the economic crisis we had a greater output than our counterparts in countries. The Spanish market is larger, and since filmmaking is expensive you need to recover your investment. We have a high level of academic excellence in our film schools, and we have an advertising tradition that has produced excellent professionals. We can make quality commercial films; Pa negre is proof of this.

It is also true that European cinema travels badly within Europe. They defend their cultural identity. The audiovisual industry makes money. We have a high level of academic excellence in our film schools, and we can make quality commercial films; Pa negre is proof of this As president of the Catalan Film Academy, what are the challenges still facing the industry? Right now it has three big handicaps. Second, Spain is the country which most.

Third, in the midst of an economic crisis, government subsidies have been practically reduced to zero and they have yet to be replaced by some form of a law of patronage as a viable alternative. The first thing we need to do is to try to get out of this dead end. In addition, we have to create our own brand of Catalan cinema. We need to encourage films shot in Catalan and we have to regain our own audience.

The emigration level of skilled professionals from Catalan cinema is very high, they are scattered all around the world, since here production has plummeted. Between and we went from making 96 films to just It ought to be enforced. The public should be able to see films in their own language. Nevertheless we ought to take a good look at ourselves: Is leadership a big responsibility? Not really, I take it in my stride. I love teamwork, we need pragmatic people to take my ideas and turn them into reality. Has being a woman been an obstacle to your career? If so, in what sense?

El arte de la pintura. Publication supervised by Bonaventura Bassegoda. Presses Universitaires de Rennes, Rennes , pp. CTHS, Paris , pp. Llums del Barroc, op. El pintor Antoni Viladomat i Manalt Universitat de Girona, Girona , and who has illuminated such spectacular episodes as the ones contained in Francesc Miralpeix. Barcelona Town Hall, Barcelona El pintor Antoni Viladomat Pasqual Pere Moles i Corones.

Universitat de Barcelona, Barcelona ; Anna Riera. Universitat de Barcelona, Barcelona ; Rosa M. Biographic note The author is an art history reader at the Universitat de Girona and has served as a visiting professor at the Italian universities of Sassari and Cagliari. He studies the art of the 16th and 17th centuries produced in Catalonia, with a stress on the critical study and rediscovery of some of the most important authors in that historical period and on the phenomenon of the reception of international artistic culture in Barcelona. More specifically, it is concerned with the approximately year period ranging from the midth century to the end of the War of the Spanish Succession in the early 18th century.

Catalonia, Spanish monarchy, state, nation, process of political union. In this article, we shall limit ourselves to summarily examining one phase in this long development, namely the period that signalled the transition from an aggregative, institutionally plural monarchy to another territorial form which, in the wake of the Bourbon victory in the War of the Spanish Succession, consolidated a central space — Spain — that was much more unified and characterised by absolutist and centralising forms of government with Castilian roots.

These means were even more varied and nuanced if we bear in mind the evolution in such important social, cultural and identity features as religion, private law and language. This theoretical construct, which obviously has a strong political and ideological bias, was first elaborated by the intelligentsia of the Castilian court in the 16th and 17th centuries and more recently upheld by historians with a wide range of ideologies.

Indeed, Falangists, monarchists, historians linked to a Marxist or Marxistising history, a good number of Basque and Catalan historians and some Hispanists have also partaken of this interpretation. The second is the criticism of this model for being a feudal, oligarchic and corrupt system. And finally, this Spanish nationalist historiographic discourse has striven to minimise or conceal the fact that. Many of the premises upon which this Spanish deterministic discourse is based may simply be questioned through a Europe-wide comparative historical exercise.

MacIlwain,5 evolved from forms based on shared sovereignty towards republican models or models of parliamentary monarchy, and finally to liberal democratic regimes through longer or shorter transitional periods. Thus, numerous studies have revealed the evolutionary capacity of the institutions in the Catalan pactist system in both theory and political practice.

All of these processes had gotten underway before the arrival of the Bourbons. Two divergent models of state: Western political thinking in the early Modern Age. However, we should bear in mind that these concepts are neologisms coined in the 18th century and that they are far from being — in both theory and in the practice of government — contrasting or incompatible systems, as it might seem from the subsequent simplification and use of them. Specifically, with regard to Spanish political thinking during the reign of the Hapsburgs, the classic dichotomy between Catalan-Aragonese constitutionalism and Castilian absolutism has been further nuanced and enriched.

Since the s, a series of historians has noted the existence of a constitutionalist current linked to changes in the tax system which were introduced in the Crown of Castile late in the reign of Philip II; this Castilian constitutionalist thinking emerged among the urban oligarchies and connected with the spirit of reform and regeneration in a society and economy that had fallen into a grave crisis.

After all, despite the existence of political and legal thinking that was critical — or relatively critical — of the idea that the monarch was above positive law and that he could therefore legislate and grant privileges at will, the comunis opinio of the doctrine of Castilian policy in the late Modern Age was that the sovereign was only limited by divine law, natural law and the law of nations. This would also have repercussions on the monarchy as a whole, given that if institutional diversity is viewed as a source of weakness, respect for the forms of government local to each kingdom or province would be questioned16 and attempts would be made to introduce the political underpinnings of Castilian law there.

Compilation of the legislation agreed to by the Courts of Catalonia until the laws enacted in Thus, the political and ideological principles of CatalanAragonese pactism evolved in a direction completely different to the theorisations of the Castilian court. In Aragon and Catalonia, especially after the late decades of the 16th century, the legalist formulations of the legal consultants found new elements in the historic discourse to invigorate contractualist approaches.

Specifically, the myth of the furs codes of law of Sobrarb and a new story on the Carolingian origins of Catalonia enabled them to build ideological and juridical elaborations that would provide arguments and political fuel to the movements of and According to this theorisation, the king was encompassed by a body from which he could not be distinguished and in which his power was subsumed. This formula, which in turn allowed for a variety of interpretations more or less restrictive with regard to royal power , can be noted in Catalonia in the works of Antoni Oliba, Andreu Bosc and especially Joan Pere Fontanella.

They envisioned the state as a natural community that emerged from the social impetus of a collective that transferred power in order to fulfil its needs for defence and protection, while reserving freedom and sovereignty for itself. On the eve of , the representative and parliamentary political principles as well as the concept of popular sovereignty, the idea of an elective monarchy and the right of resistance were rather deeply rooted in the Catalan body politic, and latent within them was the option of a parliamentary monarchy or even a fully republican option.

Generally speaking, the constitutionalist avenue of thought advocated a territorial model of state that recognised the institutional diversity of the historical formations that comprised it, while in the majority of cases the. The case of the Spanish monarchy, which joined the Crowns of Aragon and Castile, the Portuguese empire and other territories, may be paradigmatic of this issue.

Monument to the jurist and politician Joan-Pere Fontanella Olot, - Perpignan, in Olot, the city of his birth. It is the work of sculptor Miquel Blai. It should be noted that there is no dearth of exceptions to this rule. Thus, a supporter of placing limits on monarchic power, Juan de Mariana, who even advocated tyrannicide, was, in contrast, a supporter of Spanish institutional unity. There were essentially two problems: Yet nor should we forget the dynamic, not static, nature of the dialectic between the centre of the Spanish monarchy, the Castilian Court, and Catalonia, since this relationship went through a wide variety of circumstances in terms of the evolution in the human and material forces, the ideological elaborations, the social balances and imbalances and the international political contexts.

Finally, we should also note that the political dialectic of the kingdoms and provinces on the periphery arose not only with the central government of the monarchy; rather especially in border provinces like Catalonia, there were also interrelations between them and neighbouring powers, France in this case.

However, these considerations do not belie the idea that there was almost permanent constitutional tension between centre and periphery given that their divergent conceptualisations on the model of state, as outlined above, would clash in political practice both when establishing the scope and limits of the jurisdiction of monarchic power and when defining and carrying out directives aimed at constructing a territorial state capable of being consolidated and conserved through the agitated, divided Europe of the early centuries of modernity.

The latest studies on the 16th century in Catalonia are making it increasingly clear that the political-constitutional edifice built since the late 15th-century reign of Ferdinand the Catholic soon revealed itself to be too fragile and precarious to ensure a correspondence or collaboration between the Catalans and the Crown.

Back in the reign of Charles I and in the early years of Phillip II, the constitutional tensions blossomed in a variety of spheres. Likewise, since the s, imperial policy in the Mediterranean had been seriously thwarting Catalan mercantile interests. These clashes culminated in May , when the viceroyal guard tried to capture the military i.

Granollacs and the supporters of confronting the abuses of royal jurisdiction. However, ultimately, the fear that the events in Catalonia might end through the same military might that Philip II had wielded in the altercations in Aragon — which led to the execution of the Aragonese justice Juan de Lanuza, among other actions — dissolved the resistance from the Catalan institutions.

This laws issued by the king and the branches was unilaterally suspended via a Royal Pragmatic. The rapprochement of the Courts of , in which the flood of noble appointments by the king was answered by the granting of a donation of 1,, pounds, was a fleeting mirage. These constitutions were questioned by the Generalitat and the military branch, which unleashed yet another bitter institutional and legal dispute that led to the imprisonment of the military deputy and auditor.

In the early decades of the 17th century, the clearest expression of this contradiction was the issue of the repression of banditry. However, I believe it would be risky to attribute all the political and social upheaval — in which certain bandit lords were unquestionably involved — to a specific social class, and even more erroneous to relate it to the system of laws and constitutions of the country, which, lest we forget it, included a much broader swath of society than just the noble class.

This is because, though it is true that the constitutions of Catalonia may have been an instrument to safeguard certain private or estate interests, it is equally true that they upheld many general and community interests which were often trampled upon by the same royal officials who were fighting the bandit lords. The failure of the Courts of led two ideas on the political dynamic of the Principality to take root among the government circles of the monarchy. The second was that the political mechanisms were already incapable of correcting or reconducting this situation, and that therefore to avoid greater evils, the combined use of force and politics must be imposed.

The strategy of calling the Courts accompanied by the presence of an army had been broadly debated in the boards and councils of the monarchy since However, a detailed examination of these deliberations reveals that there was widespread consensus among the Court ministers on the need for the combined use of force and politics to modify the constitutional balance inherited from the dynastic union of the Catholic Kings.

Journal of Catalan Intellectual History by Institut d'Estudis Catalans - Issuu

The discrepancies only lay in whether or not to do it at a time when this internal constitutional problem might be mixed with the overarching conflict over European hegemony that the Spanish and French powers were facing. And as is known, this was the strategy ultimately chosen by the ministry of Count-Duke Olivares to put an end to what was considered a rebellion by the Catalans in the summer of In short, the political theorisations with unitarist and absolutist tendencies that dominated at the heart of the Castilian court were accompanied by initiatives in the realm of political practice which advocated a combined use of force and politics.

This, in our opinion, radically questions the line of interpretation which has recently upheld the existence of a Spanish imperial ideology, sup-. It should be noted that the most recent historiography on the formation of the modern state has stressed not only that was it difficult to govern against the provincial ruling classes but that it was also difficult to govern without their support. The urbanised petty nobility, honorary citizens, merchants and canons of Barcelona, as well as some rising liberal professionals, especially doctors and judges, made up a highly cohesive ruling class which at that time dominated both institutions and steered the fates of Barcelona and Catalonia as a whole.

Its fundamental core was the urban patricians, the so-called honorary citizens, that is, citizens who were distinguished by their political and economic status, whose rank equalled that of the nobility through a privilege issued by Ferdinand II in However, this Barcelonabased ruling class was bolstered by the addition of members from both the upper and lower echelons of the body politic. First, it included members of the traditional Catalan nobility — nobles and knights — who had been involved in an intense process of urbanisation since the late 15th century.

The status of honorary citizen could be acquired either through the system of cooptation, which expanded the rolls of honorary citizens through assemblies held by the patricians every year, or. In short, unlike other European urban oligarchies, the Barcelona elite was open, or at least relatively open.

The inclusion of numerous family lineages of jurists, as well as the promotion of legal studies among the ranks of the nobility, contributed to strengthening and disseminating among these elites the values of the pactist political model which had secular roots in the production of Catalan law. Elliott noted the extraordinary precariousness of the posts that the viceroyal administration made available to a ruling class which was comprised of around people in around According to this English historian: However, these figures were insufficient since the Crown had to supply 19, more pounds from the outside in order to meet the salaries of the viceroys around 6, pounds and to balance the budget.

Neither a military career nor a post in the civil administration of the central government of the monarchy was an easy, generous means of ascent for this Catalan ruling class. Nor were the encomiendas of the major military orders, which were theoretically open to all subjects of the King of Spain, a means of integration and compensation for the members of the Catalan ruling class. The case of the France of Richelieu, Mazzarino and Colbert has been held up as an example of the efficacy of royal patronage — centralised, in this case — which succeeded in the objectives of achieving control over the provinces of.

The attempts to build these ties via members of the Court like Pere de Franquesa and Salvador Fontanet never managed to achieve either solidity or continuity. However, the attempts to articulate a pro-royal nucleus based on family clans located in the Principality, such as the Marimons, never managed to take hold either, nor did enlisting the services of the upper aristocracy, the Duke of Cardona, to attain the interests and designs of the Crown.

Yet this same period also witnessed a strengthening of the local institutions, which were primarily controlled by the ruling class. This contrasts with the volatile or spasmodic nature of their ties with the Crown. Instead of getting the Catalans to adhere to the imperial designs of Olivares and Philip IV, as many ministers at court wished, this only sparked new constitutional tensions that derived from the irregular billeting of the troops, the illegal mobilisations of the local people and the tax burdens imposed beyond the constitutional limits.

This convergence, which was highly visible after January-February , would not be undone during that three-year period and would culminate with the revolutionary process of , an institutional agreement through which Pau Claris would become the political leader of the Catalan ruling class. The rupture of The military factor ultimately provided the fuse and spark that led the longstanding institutional and jurisdictional tensions to explode. After , the French-Spanish.

During the ensuing months, it pressured the peasants and lower class to billet the troops, which was not only exceedingly unconstitutional but was also harrowing for villages which had already suffered greatly. The first reaction to this strategy was vehement social outcry. It was initially anti-military and anti-tax, but it soon took on the guise of a class conflict,58 and the religious tone that the protest soon adopted led it to gain momentum in society.

This episode was a milestone in the process of rupture between the Madrid government and the Catalan ruling class, a process that would ultimately prove to be irreversible. Likewise, and this demonstrates that both sides were aware of the political significance of the episode, Pau Claris and Olivares immediately embarked upon separate secret negotiations with France, Catalonia with the goal of exploring the possibility of securing French military aid should a bloody battle with the Court of Madrid ensue, and Spain, which contacted Richelieu, despite the war, to neutralise this potential scenario.

With the aim of gaining time to prepare military intervention measures against Catalonia, the Court of Madrid implemented a policy of concealing its repressive intentions, although the Catalan leaders were not hoodwinked. Thereafter, while Madrid viewed military control of the province as a neces-.

The best option in the minds of the Catalan leaders was to remain the vassals of the Catholic King while saving the land from the hordes of soldiers and ensuring its political system of freedoms and constitutions. From to The Catalan constitutional controversy in the game of European international politics.

Cover of one of the propaganda books on the Catalan uprising written by Friar Gaspar Sala. To the leaders who had been at the helm of the revolutionary movement, this was both a means of portraying political strength to the Court of Madrid and a way of legitimising and binding most of the villages to the resistance against the royal armies. Setting up administrative, military and financial structures strong enough to sustain a large-scale war required time, not to mention levels of experience and accumulations of capital that were unavailable at that time. The perceptions of the causes and development of the process of rupture were different, yet they all led to a feeling of distance and mistrust.

In Castile, and especially in the Castilian court, the Catalan and Portuguese rebellion rendered it impossible to establish that compact, well-built, cohesive state designed and run by Castile. In Catalonia, the Spanish unifying project dreamt up by the intelligentsia at court and tested by Olivares had revealed itself to be aggressive and unilateral, as it attacked the Catalan political and national identity. Although it permeated the political and intellectual debate at the time, the identity factor with the interplay of Catalonia-Castile-Spain as the fundamental referents was not what triggered the Revolt of Catalonia of The political conceptualisation of Spain and the absolutist tendencies of the central government nurtured unifying policies that came upon vigorous resistance in the Catalan political community, which had.

This was enshrined by the Treaty of the Pyrenees in , which also signalled the partition of Catalonia. Even though the Court of Madrid considered more stringent repressive options, the continued threat from France meant that the central governing bodies of the monarchy chose to try to control the political life of the Principality by the royal reserve of the vote in the Generalitat and the Consell de Cent, an institutional measure which was combined with a greater Spanish military presence on Catalan soil.

And, in fact, the royal reserve on the vote became a bone of contention which instead of getting the Catalan ruling class to adhere to the political will of the Court of Madrid aroused a spiral of unsatisfied claims and institutional clashes. Cent at its core. Likewise, as this ruling class was relatively socially open and had the ability to integrate the most dynamic sectors from Catalan society, the claims for selfgovernance attained widespread support and were not foreign to the groups who spearheaded the economic transformations in the Principality in the second half of the 17th century.

The Onze de Setembre 11th of September defeat would lead to the establishment of an absolutist political model in Catalonia, which contrasted with the pactist nature of its own historical tradition. This model reflected the political hallmark of the Bourbon dynasty, but it was also the outcome of ideals that sought to politically and.

However, even after the repression of the War of the Spanish Succession and the constant military subjugation of the land, one could still detect unequivocal signs of a persistent Catalan national identity throughout the 18th and early 19th century. All of these factors together consolidated the shaping of a national identity in some of these communities, such as Catalonia, which would last even after they were dispossessed by the force of their institutional and legislative structures with mediaeval origins.

For the notion of composite monarchy, see: Past and Present, no. Editorial Complutense, Madrid For the notion of segmented state, see Charles Tilly. Las revoluciones europeas Political Thought and the British Union of Cambridge University Press, Cambridge , pp. Mitificadores del pasado, falsarios de la Historia.

Constitucionalismo antiguo y moderno. Centro de Estudios Constitucionales, Madrid In this book, which contains six lectures delivered at Cornell University during academic year , Charles H. The Swedish Riksdag in an International Perspective. Bank of Sweden Tercentenary Foundation, Stockholm , pp. The Fountain of Privilege. University of California Press, Berkeley A Shared European Heritage. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge , 2 vols. Eumo, Vic , especially pp. IEC, Barcelona , pp. Journal of Early Modern History, no. Les Corts generals de Pau Claris.

Ministry of Public Administrations, Madrid , pp. Also in the Courts of , the Royal Branch asked for greater representation in the courts the number of cities and villages with the right to attend , a request that was put into place in the courts of , when the Royal Branch also called for the individual vote to replace the unitary vote of each branch, just as the representatives of the third estate would in the French General Estates 80 years later, in Los mecanismos del poder.

Los ayuntamientos catalanes durante el siglo xviii. Alianza, Madrid ; Albert Garcia Espuche. Barcelona entre dues guerres. Economia i vida quotidiana Ciutats, viles i pobles a la xarxa urbana de la Catalunya Moderna.

See a Problem?

Rafael Dalmau, Barcelona Regarding the integration of Catalan commerce into the world circuits, see: Eumo, Vic ; Josep M. For the transformations of the agrarian and manufacturing sectors: El Camp de Tarragona i el Priorat durant els segles xviii i xix. Pagesos, mariners i comerciants a la Catalunya litoral.

Felipe V y el triunfo del absolutismo. Generalitat de Catalunya, Barcelona , pp. Del patriotisme al catalanisme. Eumo, Vic , pp. The American Historical Review, no. Parliaments, Estates and Representation, no. Revista de las Cortes Generales, no. This was categorically proven in Salustiano de Dios. The quotation is from page This legislative tradition was what would fruitlessly start the assault on the pactist and federal constitution, inherent to a limited monarchy, of the territories in the Crown of Aragon in the 16th and 17th century.

In short, the goal was to impose in them an absolutist, standard system that would unify all the peninsular lands under the imprint of the law of Castile. Kagan and Geoffrey Parker. Homenaje a John H. For the Catalan historical-mythical positions: Anuario de Estudios Medievales, no. The Parliament of England Weston and Janelle R. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge The Historical Journal, no. Constitutionalism and Statecraft during the Golden Age of Spain: Revista de Occidente, no. Universidad Complutense de Madrid, Madrid , pp. The Logic of Personal Knowledge. Essays Presented to Michael Polanyi.

Routledge, London , pp. On the use and dissemination of this concept applied to Spain in the studies of John H. See, too, Jon Arrieta. A useful bibliographic survey of this topic can be found in Xavier Gil Pujol. Granollers, Granollers ; Jordi Buyreu. Institucions i conflictes a la Catalunya Moderna. Entre el rei i la terra. Afers, Catarroja i Barcelona, ; Oriol Junqueras. UAB, Barcelona , 2 vols. Entre el rei i la terra See, too, Ernest Belenguer.

Also, the attention given this topic in Jon Arrieta. Les Corts de Catalunya. Elliott, La revolta catalana Vicens Vives, Barcelona , p. Elliott, La revolta catalana Regarding the sessions of XXI , pp. On this ruling class of Barcelona in the early Modern Age, see basically: Homenaje a Jaume Vicens Vives.

Ariel, Barcelona ; James S. See, too, the information on certain families available in the following works: Curial, Barcelona ; Pere Molas Ribalta. Regarding the privilege of the 31st of August , see Jaume Vicens Vives. Ferran II i la ciutat de Barcelona. Universitat de Barcelona, Barcelona , p. Els juristes i la defensa de les constitucions. Joan Pere Fontanella Eumo, Vic ; James S. El jurista Fontanella i les seves cartes.

Clarendon Press, Oxford ; Robert R. Anatomy of a Power Elite: Absolutism and Society in Seventeenth-Century. State Power and Provincial Aristocracy in Languedoc. Quaderns de la Selva, no. Regarding the Marimons, see: La Generalitat de Catalunya Base, Barcelona , pp. UAB, Barcelona , pp. The graphs and maps in this article were published in Pedralbes, no. Universitat de Lleida, Lleida , pp.

La Guerra dels Segadors. Milenio, Lleida , pp.

Visions & Cants (Edicions 62)

Ohio State University History, Base, Barcelona , facsimile edition. Likewise, on the informative and propagandist meaning of the work, see Karsten. Guerres, identitats i contraidentitats. Afers, Catarroja i Barcelona, On the new political-constitutional context which arose in Catalonia after , see primarily: Publicacions de la Universitat de Barcelona, Barcelona , pp. Del al Del Tractat dels Pi-. Regarding the ensuing period: Del Tractat dels Pirineus Starting with the edition, the Dictionary has been edited by Josep Maria Terricabras.

The edition of contains 3, pages in four volumes. The total number of entries is 3,, broken down as follows: The cross-references in alphabetical order total over 2, in number. Journal of Catalan Intellectual History. Libraries and books are crucial, and this raw material could no longer be found in his country of origin. There was one field, which we might call literary or philosophical Hispanism, that represented a middle way between thought and literature and it could be adopted as a kind of calling card or emergency laissez-passer.

Manuel Duran explained this very well in an interview given to the journal Insula in We are also indebted to him for an intriguing theory on the diverse sources or original sedimentary foundations of thinkers in exile: There are many indications of this, such as in the frequent expressions and turns of phrase that seep through his writing in Spanish and that he left uncorrected, I suspect deliberately so. If being a Catalanist in this sense is equivalent to being a nationalist, then so be it English and German ones.

Or by the inclusion of Catalan philosophers in his Dictionary, such as Father Xiberta, Joaquim Xirau and Serra Hunter which he could perfectly well have left out , thus implicitly acknowledging the existence of the School of Barcelona9. Or by his attention to the character of Catalan life in perhaps his most popular essay outside the circle of specialists, which he wrote in Chile in and reprised in his acceptance of an honorary doctorate from the Autonomous University of Barcelona, in Later, he was to make further remarks on the subject, adding nuance to his interpretation Aranguren put it, with which he seriously and professionally confronted the contexts and environments in which and with which he had to live, dealing faithfully with lived experience.

This includes a host of things that are not merely intellectual: Also present, undeniably, was the analytical and methodical passion of the philosopher, but always grounded in concrete, practical experience, which we shall see served. I see four that seem important to me: See Les formes de la vida catalana i altres assaigs, Ed.

Quaderns de Filosofia, 10, Catalan Philosophers in Exile, pp. Recently, Xavier Serra has re-examined a number of the biographical portraits of Ferrater, such as the one written by Pla in Homenots, in order to separate the wheat from the chaff in light of the available documents. His growing interest in Spanish philosophy appears to me to continue at the same time as he was drafting his Dictionary, in exile in Cuba and Chile The first version appeared in Later he was to justify the existence of a Spanish philosophy It is difficult to distinguish here between strategy, vocation and professionalism.

Ferrater made a virtue of necessity. His practice of preparing dictionaries — for example, as Conrad Vilanou reminds us, the dictionary of pedagogy published by Editorial Labor17 — predates his departure into exile. Ferrater explained the work simply, without dressing it up in intellectual trappings The Dictionary was a commissioned work. It was a useful, professional project that might eventually be used as a calling card, too. This is how Joaquim Xirau put it to him when encouraging him to persevere with the project after receiving the first version: I have the impression also that all confusions which have arisen in this field are due to the fact that philosophy as a propositional system has not been distinguished from philosophy as a mode of human being.

In other words, as a propositional system we cannot say that there is a Spanish philosophy. Nearly forty years later, a more analytical Ferrater rejected the use of national qualifiers for ways of doing philosophy. I think that Catalans, insofar as they do philosophy, must or should do so as everyone everywhere does it: It would be worthwhile not to abandon the endeavour half done. There is no classic, authorised dictionary in Spanish. This is a work of many years. You can do it. It would be worthwhile for you to spend a good portion of your life on it. Based on what you have finished and by seeking out the collaboration of everyone of good will, you could produce a classic work.

I think you must not give up. It is a thing of many years that you should keep doing with persistence and without impatience as you pursue your activities. If you are willing to do so, do not doubt that you will have a collaborator in me. It is a highly ambitious undertaking. But I think that you have demonstrated the personal qualities needed to pull it off. Be so good as to tell me if the idea strikes you as interesting.

I think that the mere fact of my saying this to you is an illustration of the lively interest that your work has aroused in me In effect, the Dictionary gave Ferrater a way to make contacts with the representatives of logic and analytic philosophy in the United States starting with the appearance of the third edition, which unlike the second edition was accepted for critical review by Alonzo Church, the editor of Journal of Symbolic Logic, the publication of W.

It was Quine himself who penned the review, which was not exactly glowing: The Journal gave him the task of reviewing works written in Spanish, which led to an exchange of letters with Church in the late nineteen-fifties and early nineteen-sixties In addition, European logicians, such as Bochenski, helped him to better under-.

In that same year, Quine wrote to him, saying: From this point onwards, Ferrater was never to abandon a logical, scientific and rationalist orientation. From extant letters, his relationship with Nicholas Rescher and the American Philosophical Quarterly is rather that of an outside collaborator who was highly knowledgeable about the main currents of thought, but without abandoning other more historical or existential trenches. By contrast, his articles were well received at Philosophy and Phenomenological Research, edited by Marvin Farber until , and afterwards by Roderick Chisholm and Ernesto Sosa In the 21st century, the University at Buffalo SUNY and the University of Rhode Island have continued to be leading centres for phenomenology and ontology, with a special emphasis on European philosophy.

These efforts deserve credit, because Ferrater started out as a complete unknown. Let me offer a curious remark from a review of El hombre 23 For more information on all of these, see the letter written by Josef Bochenski from the Europa-Institut of Freiburg, dated 30 July Translations appeared in various languages: Polish , German , English and French In the end, the essay appeared in an anthology compiled and introduced by A. Caponegri entitled Spanish Contemporary Philosophy: From onwards, everything seems to indicate that the Catalan philosopher took advantage of the door opened by Farber, because it better suited the historical and occasionally speculative nature of his contributions.

This might sound absurd and, indeed, it is. The truth is, though, that in Ferrater we do not find only one author: Ferrater searches for the grail of social cohesion in the integration of culture, values and the organisation of the state, like Dilthey, Heller, Smend, Schmitt, Binder and many other Germanic authors rooted in European neo-Hegelian historicism. And Hombre en la encrucijada ; Man at the Crossroads, is proof enough. Still a work of the interwar period, it asks how great the mental distance is between the intellectual and society.

The initial question was hard for US professors to fathom: In his original work, Ferrater formulated this question from two perspectives, the first from phenomenology and vitalism and the second based on historiography, which he had just discovered in the US and which drew not only on the scientific outlook, but also on the outcomes of the recent global conflagration The symposium palpably vibrated with the climate of the post-war period, the Holocaust, the crisis of European culture and the onset of the Cold War, but also with the new role of ethics and science.

I cannot stop here. Should materially and spiritually higher ways of living be introduced into societies that are increasingly vast and, ultimately, to society as a whole? The speakers were Maurice Mandelbaum, Lewis S. Feuer and Horace L. Responding were the discussants S. Lamprecht and Josep Ferrater Mora.

You can find the programme of the conference in The Journal of Philosophy, Friess and so forth. I mention only the result: As Ferrater asserted in his remarks, this was about achieving a perspective built on the explicitness of the language used to formulate historical explanations. The linguistic and logic-oriented drift of those years, and the effort of assimilation that this represented for Ferrater, is incomplete if we do not add this aspect of the philosophy of science that covers history and, with it, the social sciences.

I must say that his ontological position, his metaphysics, appear marked by his historiographical development more so than the other way round. He was familiar with and normally cited the histories of philosophy that appeared in Spanish, English, French, Italian and German, as well as experts in ancient, medieval, modern and contemporary philosophy, and also histories of science. However, his way of writing the Dictionary, which observes the necessary concision, makes use of name-based entries and selected terms in such a way as to turn the work into a vast mosaic, in which each piece individually had to be cut, fit and polished to give shape to the entirety.

This is also the term used by a colleague from his early years at Bryn Mawr, Juan Marichal, who later moved on to Harvard Letter to Ferrater, from Cambridge, Mass. It is not merely a history of thought or even a history of ideas or history of philosophy. In my view, it is a conceptual history done from the inside out, taking care always to distinguish between methodology, ontology, epistemology and practical philosophy ethics and politics while focusing on the core meanings of authors.

It does not dwell on social history or on contextual or historical connections, but rather delves into the genesis of ideas and their connections within and across different periods of time. His concern is with precision and, above all, with the veracity of underlying data. Although it may seem straightforward, Ferrater as a good historian double-checked his facts and, it must be noted, read the books of authors that he featured. This enabled him to correct any errors and, even more than that, to reconstruct analytically the basic concepts in order to carry out the task of comparison that enabled him to discern competing and contrasting positions.

In the end, I believe he moved from the philosophy of language and logic to a separate tracing of the history of terms, concepts and conceptual schema and discourses, distinguishing between levels of language, conceptual objects or constructs, works and philosophical movements. This is no longer historicism, but another type of philosophy of history. Let me offer an example. The article on the origin of ontology is a classic.

It corresponds to research that he undertook to understand the return to metaphysics vs. This is not the case. The first instance occurs in Rudolf Goclenius Lexicon philosophicum, quo tanquam clave philosophies fores aperiuntur, Informatum opera studio Rodolphi Goclenii, Francoforti, The term receives its definitive push from Wolff, whose work is entitled Philosophia prima sive ontologia methodo scientifica pertractata, qua omnes cognitionis humanae principia continentur This is as far as Ferrater went.

The year before, in , Lorhard had written a book for his students entitled Ogdoas scholastica, which addressed the subjects of Latin, Greek, grammar, logic, rhetoric, astronomy, ethics, physics and metaphysics. The eighth and last volume carried the title Metaphysica seu Ontologia. Nor does the story end there. Lorhard had based his volume on the contents of a book by Clemens Timpler , entitled Metaphysicae Systema Methodicum. In addition, Sarah L. Uckelman has transcribed the original diagrams It should be noted that the successive explanatory notes and internal references do not correspond to a dichotomous hierarchy or distribution, but rather add explanatory or clarifying content — in hypertext — to the successive branchings in the analysis.

It is, therefore, a method of semantic enrichment that allows for navigation within the text. That was the crux of the matter: Although Ferrater could not have known, he did nevertheless see the importance of the introduction of the new term against the scholasticism of the Counter-Reformation, and he drew attention to the subject. It was crucial for dialectics and rhetoric. Using prolepsis, one imagines the objections to or refutations of an argument.

If this is the case, there is no doubt that Ferrater possessed this art. He did not believe wholeheartedly in his conclusions: I think we need to read this and every other article in the Dictionary in just such a way, and not as the striking of a single, repetitive note. In intellectual history, the construction of general interpretative frameworks depends on the relationship that one can establish among all the wellfounded facts from which one starts.

This basic task is precisely what defines first-order historiography.


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It is attentive to the reworking of the sources and the indispensable effort of constructing and analysing primary data. Unavoidable in this effort is the archival or ethnographic work of organising data and later reorganising and using the data, as well as transcribing and transforming information. By contrast, Ferrater practiced a second-order historiography that operates on the meaning of the interpretative hypotheses and on their semantic elements, particularly the consistency of hypotheses and the consistency between the known facts and the models that account for them.

In short, it is the work of a philosopher of history labouring over the theoretical models, more than the work of a historian addressing the underlying elements and materials. Shook, New York; Thoemmes Continuum, , pp. I would not regard this as a limitation or a failure, but rather the contrary. Ferrater was a mediator, stirring up mischief, acting the part of the meddler as he liked to say, whose job it was to pose questions or blow on the spoon to cool down the soup.

But he was a proleptic cook who tasted and adjusted the soup as necessary, after putting in all the best ingredients. When, in , Ferrater proposes a weak recursion standard for historiography in contrast to the standards of positivism and hermeneutics, he was simply offering a partial, ex-post description of the perspective he himself had adopted in the preparation of the Dictionary It was not a faithful depiction of his working method, but rather an epistemological reflection on the conceptual order by which he had tried to guide himself since the nineteen-fifties.

Second-order hermeneutics This book was a long time in the making. I think that it was in the nineteen-sixties that Ferrater set out to do a synthesis of the fundamentals. El ser y el sentido was conceived to be the first volume in a three-part series that also included El ser y el hacer [Being and Doing] and El ser y el deber ser [Being and Duty] This phenomenological approach, however, was to be replaced by the synthesis of semantic and historiographical perspectives that would appear in Fundamentos.

I want to single out three ideas of ontology: What is characteristic of Ferrater is that he thinks of this as equivalent to representation which can be structural, global. The world is represented by statements. The representations are grounded in representable or represented objects by virtue of the structural trait that the philosopher calls presence: As a structural trait, presence is rounded out by confluence and non-significance. In short, this is not merely the result of a second-degree historiography, but the result of working out a second-order hermeneutics. This knowledge has been incorporated into a network of cultural products, such as a tradition or heritage to be maintained, collected, discussed, transformed, etc.

Knowledge does not consist solely of cognitive activities, but without such activities, there would be no knowledge nor, strictly speaking, truth. A further aspect of importance remains. Perhaps it is not out of place here to look more closely at what can be seen at first glance when we examine ontology: In a manner of speaking, the rules of the game are broken. Ferrater is no longer offering solutions to problems that can be debated. Coming up with a third way represents begging the question, obviating the issue and changing the rules.

Critics have argued that his formulations did not get to grips internally with the problems, but rather reformulated them from the outside, from a linguistic phenomenology that was certainly of interest, but failed to redirect them toward a workable, familiar methodology. And on the budding science of computation:. Therefore, Austrian phenomenology and especially the ontology of Meinong were not only familiar to him, but also a source of inspiration.

But there is no logical or physical impossibility why a robot, in the sense of being a product of human technology, cannot develop awareness and learn to think propositionally. Are mind and body boundary concepts? Ferrater describes linguistic frameworks, which define the fields of meaning for concepts. There are not only boundary concepts within the frameworks, however, but also boundary frameworks, because Ferrater applies the same technique to the various opposing options and lines of thinking that delimit the frameworks.

Ontology is an explicit conceptual embodiment of this transversal technique. The result is that he turns categories into concepts as a good practitioner of intellectual history, but this bars him from further discussion of the categories because, quite simply, he has changed the object of his discourse. What is more, he seems to have been aware of this and wanted to do it. Carlos Nieto Blanco describes it as an attempt to describe. Both point to the different levels. The Indiana taxonomy in the Stanford Encyclopedia directly classifies meta-ontology as a part of metaphysics. I think that a great deal of the discussion in the volume is, in effect, from the outside.

Take, for instance, the section on universals. Questions, and how to pose them, were of keener interest to him than a debate over the answers. Ferrater preferred not to debate the matter. Because, at heart, it was not his problem: All second-order dialogue ends up being a first-order dialogue unless one of the interlocutors prevents it. But the risk is that communication is disrupted. That is, the dialogue ends up being more expressive than epistemic, deliberative or even eristic. There is no dispute, because in reality there is no common problem.

Reprinted as a supplement to Meaning and Necessity: Closing observations By way of closing, I would like to offer a few final observations. In the world opening up at the interface between the social sciences and computation, where multi-agent systems MAS and virtual institutions are under construction, the conceptual structure is regulatory. That is, it guides the building of programmes. This marks a change from the panorama that we have faced until now: In ontological construction, the philosopher and the scientist can work side by side to build new tools and more precise ontologies, developing methods to evaluate them and to thrash out their fields of application.

This simply means that the conditions for dialogue have shifted and that the discussion that did not happen at the time is now reopening. As I mentioned earlier, we will see the computational ontologies of philosophy proliferating in the near future. Even so, it must be said that Ferrater did not take much notice of developments in artificial intelligence or in the science of computation.

Interestingly, the names of Herbert Simon, Alan Newell, Marvin Minsky, Ed Feigenbaum and John McCarthy did not figure in his dictionary of , perhaps because he did not actually view them as philosophers. Yet this is the line that, following on from the Dartmouth seminar of , laid the foundations for the construction and development of the cognitive revolution, artificial intelligence and, ultimately, the Internet. In knowledge engineering, ontologies are used to reduce the complexity of information management, classify information and facilitate both the connection to the user and the interoperability among languages and knowledge objects Simple Knowledge Organisation Systems, SKOS.

It was neither reducible to rules nor completely automatic. Hermeneutics enabled him not to discard anything that had been formulated as philosophy; it operated like a rake to collect the most disparate and dissimilar philosophies, focusing on specific points of philosophical discourse. As a result, it was able to function as the preliminary conceptual schematisation needed for a computational ontology. Addressing the last point, though, goes beyond the aim of this paper. My gratitude goes to Salvador Giner for the invitation to open this conference, and to Sara Adell and the technical team at the IEC for their efforts in making my participation such a delight.

Victoria University has put an earlier version on their servers at: Ed Lewis lent personal hardware to overcome an impossible time difference. The work on ontology is the result of several projects: This paper would not have seen the light of day if the Ferrater Mora Chair in Contemporary Thought, under the leadership of Josep Maria Terricabras, had not made available to researchers the extensive correspondence of the philosopher in digital form at the library of the University of Girona and had not given me permission to work with the material on reserve.

To all of these people, I give my thanks. Translation from Catalan by Joel Graham. Our answer must be particularly precise. Isms are like labels, but what do they label? What, exactly, lies beneath them? For if we insist upon some vague and general notion and ignore the fact that scholars and schools naturally classify isms according to their typical character, we fall short of a satisfactory answer.

Further examination is needed and should determine the second level of our philosophical enquiry: And in an examination of the dogmatist—sceptic divide, the particular isms we have chosen are also positions or theses which will become answers to the question of the possibility of certainty in knowledge. But if we wish to discover our personal position, the study of isms can help us determine that position and polish it to a fine glow, illuminating arguments that justify and defend it.

We should also remember that while this exercise is innocent enough in itself, it can also lead us, as it did Narcissus, to being overly self-concerned1. One of the ambiguities of all isms is that the positive or negative meaning that colours their names is hidden. Another is the ease with which we can doubt or simply not know whether the name of an ism was brought into being by those who espoused the doctrine or was coined later by others. The Cubists knew they were Cubists, so to speak, but the pre-Socratics clearly never enjoyed this collective knowledge of themselves3 and neither did the practitioners of the Renaissance.

A number of practical considerations for the study of any ism, therefore, would be the careful examination of the root of the term, the moment in which the term was first used, its most broadly accepted exponents, the clearest antitheses to it, the vicissitudes it has experienced in its passage through history and, finally, not only how convenient its use has become but how far it operates as a manner of label. Nieto Blanco, La filos-. From the Socratics to the Stoics and Academics, the School of Pyrrho or the Sceptics, in the philosophical moment these positions originally emerged we see transitions as changes of position: For Antigonus of Carystus, its doctrine first emerged with Antiochus of Ascalon and the Stoics Panaetius of Rhodes — and Posidonius of Apamea —51 , and it culminated in the writings of Cicero — In modernity, Leibniz has been a repeatedly cited exponent and in the XIXth.

Perfiles del pensamiento de J. Vardi, Oxford, , pp. For the moment, however, one thing should be made clear: What remains to be seen, of course, is how exactly our selectors might cross the line to do this. But first, we need to find the visual gradient or vantage point that reveals where that line is drawn so we can oscillate between the two points and beat the isms at their own game, as it were.

A number of important questions must be also be asked about the direction in which our enquiry will move. First, how can it travel from one position to another? Second, how might its diversity be explained? And third, what common ground is shared by the arguments that have been used when the two positions were the subject of debate and were themselves the result of a constructive dialogue between specific thinkers who were either affirmers or researchers?

Garnier, Hachette, Paris, ; cf. Patrice Vermeren, Victor Cousin: What do we mean when we say that affirming is more primitive or original? The initially rather awkward-looking answer is that affirmations are original in their quality of being almost but not completely affirmations or else not really being affirmations at all. For example, today is Thursday 8 November Each of us got here a different way, either by taking a train or driving or walking, but all those ways worked fine, however sceptical we may be about the value of human knowledge.

Furthermore, our constant experience of communication generally consists of successful rather than unsuccessful events. Doubting or denying data from the natural world has to come after this first set of circumstances, whose constancy we — or I or you — modify that doubt or denial. The existence of the world and its unity is familiar to all men as the incontrovertible evidence by which the general thesis of natural attitude is named.

In the exact way we describe it here, this primary or primitive truth holds that all men are potential interlocutors and immediately allows them to perform this role in a common world. The typical position of naive realism, which will admit not only the possibility of knowing things as they truly are or in themselves but also the effectiveness of this knowledge in its daily, direct association with things. To return to my example of us here on this Thursday 8 November, when we saw or were told which room to come to we did not consciously classify this information as either knowledge or truth.

Affirmation, then, is more primitive and more original than any mistrust, suspicion or relativist positing about the effectiveness or viability of affirming might be. In its original circumstances, affirmation is experienced as the basis for guiding acts which for the affirmation are possibilities rather than subjects and which affirmation therefore poses as such.

Husserl used it to identify the basic belief or certainty that validates all affirmations that have been determined. It denotes what is modified in affirmative positions that are supported by a clear enough modifier. Epistemological terms like evidentia clarity, illustration or representation derive from the handbooks of rhetorical figures that allow orators to say what they wish to say. I will return to this below but here I only observe. The facticity of error.

However far back our memory goes, acts of affirming mistakenly, misinterpreting or misunderstanding and the experience of being led astray or disappointed have always been part and parcel of the life we lead as we negotiate multiple realities, affirmations and human groups. It has always been so and we have invariably moved between the experience of being right and being wrong. The facticity of error is the idea that error is already here with us and that we do not need to posit its existence or conjure it up somehow because we have always had the experience of it.

We only realize that we err, however, because the substance of a new affirmation invalidates an older one and causes us to look back and see our mistake. And so it is also true that the moment of our erring always exists in past time when we did not recognise it as such, in the memory of a moment when the alarm bell rang and one affirmation replaced another, and in our constant exercise of a primitive affirmation which guides us. It is quite true, as Maurice Merleau-Ponty observes, that when sensory perception hides from our eyes the presence of one particular thing, it reveals another So it is that the horizon offers us a constant stream of given presences: And if we lose the rock we will perceive something else in its place because the world always gives us something to perceive and to affirm.

This is also very true of our constant experience of presence and affirmation, where we will always affirm before we refute. Everything depends on how severe the 10 R. If we were mistaken before but in no way imagined we were mistaken until the warning bell rang, who can be sure we are not always mistaken? And even if something else appeared in its place, would that not also disappear and would this process not continue indefinitely?

Error follows affirmation because in erring we experience the refutation of what we previously affirmed. The possibility of mediating between opposites: If the debate on the possibility of certainty in knowledge has any meaning in the philosophical tradition it is in the constancy of the collision between these two forces, which revitalizes the primary or original possibility of the philosophical life.

The weakness of dogmatism is simply the facticity of error: Always and at the same time, it would seem, we experience the pull of two conflicting conditions: And this particular polarity, we might argue, deserves to be explored in our examination the theory of knowledge rather than be sidelined to the fields of psychology or anthropology. Often less systematically obedient than the scholarship of philosophy and readier to risk embracing complex notions, the field of literary criticism has found particularly able commentators on the all-encompassing nature of this collision.

Oscillation describes a kind of variation, perturbation or fluctuation in the time frame of a given medium or system. In this moment Phaedo speaks for all those who are listening to the philosopher and for the two Thebans; and according to Gadamer, the profound dejection of the assembled listeners that it evokes has no lyrical equal in all the poetic canon Translation by the author. They made us fear that our judgement was worthless or that no certainty could be attained in these matters. The distinction between theory and attitude. If isms are doctrines, they become easy to refute.

But what do we need in our enquiry? Should we refute one doctrine by adhering to another or oscillate between one and another? Or perhaps we should do neither of those things and return instead to the relative virtues of a simple system of classification which distinguishes between the theoretical moment of a doctrine and the attitude that sustains it. If we do this, we will identify four different positions in the collision between Dogmatism and Scepticism: And that, summarised in the figure below, may be the clearest description of what we need to examine in the Dogmatist—Sceptic divide when addressing the possibility of certainty in knowledge: Theoretical radical Scepticism is a doctrine on the possibility of certainty in knowledge which holds that no knowledge is immutable and no affirmation is absolutely assured.

Together these strategies form the powerful arsenal of Sceptical argument as this is found in the tropes of Aenesidemus or Agrippa, for example. But theoretical radical scepticism contains the contradiction that, because it is a doctrine, it must actually affirm that it is true; or at least in order to say anything at all, it must say that it is true that there is no truth, and admit that this is a proposition of sorts. So we come up against a semantic wall that like all such walls must be scaled using the distinction between language and metalanguage; but in the case of theoretical radical Scepticism its value is undermined because the distinction itself would have to be recognized as valid, useful, healthy, efficient and in some way truthful.

As an attitude, scepticism is the expression of doubt. On the other hand, theoretical radical Dogmatism is refuted not so much by the innumerable arguments of scepticism — which, as noted above, will always contain a contradiction — as it is by the facticity of error and the appearance and vulnerability of the primitive affirmative capacity. Another particularly interesting and even more subtle aspect of its self-refuting nature is that Sceptics can employ negative Dogmatism in a similar way to the argument used against them.

Once again, as Sextus Empiricus observes: This, I argue, effectively confirms that the fundamental principle of Scepticism is its negation and the fundamental principle of Dogmatism is its affirmation: Beyond such subtleties, however, one can argue that more than a doctrine, theoretical radical Dogmatism is the common denominator in all those positions that say criteria can be used to successfully differentiate between true and false propositions. Confidence in the movement that primitive affirmation constantly and repeatedly produces operates as a kind of indestructible substrate of all human experience.

But in order for it to be such, first there has to be a libido and also some preventive measure against lascivious excess. In this new century and as apprentice scholars whose vocation has called them to the study of philosophy, our path must take us to the heart of the debate or the game between isms, in all its complexity and in the experience of the possibility of oscillating.

Translation from Catalan by Barnaby Noone. Santayana, Scepticism and Animal Faith: In his early youth he boarded at the school El Collell, near Girona, and after returning to Barcelona to complete his secondary education he eventually read philosophy at university. There, he describes not particularly concisely his distinguishing features, which include his physical appearance, abilities, tastes and feelings. Who said I was a political sceptic? How can I be an enemy of politics if I am a friend of science? But it was in the United States that he began to publish his thoughts on Catalonia, Spain and Europe, and this is the period I will now address, examining his work chronologically so as to follow his particular intellectual progress.

A comparative study, it describes each territory and then argues that while Europe can be defined by its interest in history and its acceptance of reason as a driving principle of life, Spain has rejected history and taken refuge in the driest, most rigid and most backward-looking form of traditionalism. Spain is not modern, he proposes, precisely because it will not live according to reason and instead insists on being led by passion alone, reducing history to an always intense act of living that centres on itself and feeds on what is around it.

While Europe is moved by ideas, Spain is controlled by ideals which constantly drive it to disproportionate levels of action. This, he argues, is why Spain has been dominated by violence: And from this first brief monograph, written over seventy years ago, one passage is particularly forward-looking: The violence with which Spaniards have attempted to impose upon Spain a particular way of life is not actually the logical result of an allegiance to a culture or belief system; rather, it is the result of an attitude that is prepared to bend every other race, language or creed to its will and is capable of doing whatever it must to convince the rest of the world that the Spanish race, language and creed are unique.

Twenty years later and as I shall discuss below, Ferrater Mora would admit that the tone of this book was rather lofty and he would be right, even though he continued to have the same basic opinions. In Les formes Ferrater Mora outlined the four essential features of Catalan character: They might also define Catalans as much in their absence as by their presence. He also conceded that these could be seen as analogous with the four features he had described decades earlier. Since then the Catalan text has gone through several revisions , , , and and the Spanish translation has been revised twice and , although the text has generally reappeared not on its own but in Ferrater Mora anthologies alongside other essays on similar subjects note that Ferrater constantly revised much of his work, both in his writing on philosophy and his discursive essays.

The second Spanish edition of Les formes was published in in the book Tres mundos: Tres mundos contains six chapters, of which five are relevant to the present paper. The chapter of Les formes is the longest and contains a new introduction in which Ferrater Mora refers directly to two seminal works that had appeared between the first Catalan edition of Les formes of and this second Spanish edition: Ferrater Mora also makes two things clear in his introduction to the chapter.

Second, he considers that. From the beginning of his exile and fully aware of the disastrous consequences of the Spanish Civil War and its aftermath, Ferrater Mora had already found it necessary to reflect upon the complex relationship between Catalonia, Spain and Europe.